An Ethnography of the Workplace
This section is added by way on an addendum, suggesting
an approach towards understanding and describing
task-orientated work groups within organisations as
cultural information systems, and using such descriptions
to better comprehend the nature of the information that is
largely taken-for-granted and to chart the flow of
information through the group.
Researchers at Hewlett-Packard Laboratories in Palo
Alto, for example, have adopted 'ethnographic workflow
analysis' as a design methodology for "modelling
information-related work practices and for deriving
specifications for the design of information systems to
support these practices" (Fafchamps, 1991, p.709). Other
researchers at La Trobe University have designed a software
package, NUD*IST, for 'qualitative data analysis' that will
handle non-numerical
unstructured data by supporting
processes of indexing,
searching and theorising -- a
tool which ideally lends itself (and indeed was designed
for) tasks such as ethnographic analysis specifically
applied to knowledge acquisition.
In a great many respects the process of knowledge
acquisition (broadly enough construed to include relevant
parts of systems analysis) and the ethnographic interview
are strikingly similar: in each case, in the most general
terms, the business of the interviewer is to elicit actors'
(for example, a domain expert's) representations of some
task, activity, event, or scene, and of the knowledge they
use to generate and interpret behaviour (e.g.,
problem-solving behaviour) in that context. In each case,
the interviewer will bring only a bare minimum of prior
assumptions into the interviews in the recognition that an
understanding of the actor's behaviour (including, of
course, verbal behaviour used in reporting) can only be
achieved through an understanding of the underlying
knowledge structures and cognitive processes.
Consequently:
you don't start getting any information from an
utterance or event until you know what it is in response
to -- you must know what question is being answered. It
could be said of ethnography that until you know the
question that someone in the culture is responding to you
can't know many things about the responses. Yet the
ethnographer is greeted, in the field, with an array of
responses. He needs to know what questions people
are answering in their every act. He needs to know which
questions are being taken for granted because they are
what 'everybody knows' without thinking ... Thus the task
of the ethnographer is to discover questions that seek
the relationships among entities that are conceptually
meaningful to the people under investigation. (Black
& Metzger, 1964, p.144; quoted in Spradley, 1980,
p.32)
Hutchison (1993b) proposes that the initial stage in
formulating a description of the co-operative work activity
should be the determination, by interviewing ('grand tour'
questions) and observation, of the following components
(adapted from Spradley, 1980, p.78):
- ACTORS. Identify the people involved in the
work group. Allow the actors themselves to demarcate the
boundaries of the work group. A sociometric analysis,
based on interview and observation, might produce a
sociogram that can then be checked back with the actors
for confirmation. Members of the work group should
themselves be allowed to identify particular kinds of
actor: do actors have descriptive names? are the
descriptions done by others or by themselves? do they
accept these descriptions? is there an acknowledged
co-ordinator of the activity? is there an agreed social
structure in the team? are relationships between actors
'personal' or 'positional' (cf. Bernstein, 1971)?
etc
- GOAL/TASK. The identification of the actors in
(i) will have been done on the basis of a preliminary
conceptualisation of the ACTIVITIES undertaken by the
work group in the EVENTs in which they participate.
Actors are asked to name and describe the tasks
undertaken individually and collectively by the
group.
- EVENT. Actors discriminate particular discrete
tasks that collectively constitute the motivational basis
of the group. Any single task has a temporal -- and
frequently narrative -- dimension: it can be described as
an event. That is, a set of related ACTIVITIES that
actors carry out. We are interested in how participating
actors characterise the event.
- OBJECTS. This will be in the first place the
actors' description of informational units that
constitute the core information base of the task domain
-- the 'domain conceptualisation' -- as well as (1) the
meta-level information-processing concepts that organise
and transform the information structures and (2) the
physical objects that support the core processing
activities. Yet it will include not only the physical and
conceptual objects that the actors perceive to be
involved in the narrowly technical dimension of the
problem-solving activity, but also all other objects with
which actors routinely interact in the course of the
working day: telephone, fax, photocopier, coffee machine,
and so on.
- RESOURCES. What are the resources used in the
task, as identified by the actors themselves? Time? other
people (including support staffs)? white boards? paper?
information resources? etc
- ACTIVITIES. What are the activities that
constitute the EVENT, and that must be undertaken for the
event to successfully take place? How is the performance
of these activities distributed across the work group? Do
individual actors undertake discrete tasks?
- ACTS. Identify a set of low-level (atomic)
constituent acts of each of the activities. Again, the
actors themselves will determine what count as
'acts'.
- TIME. Activities take place over time; but
actors will be working with complex subjective (and
probably intersubjective) time structures that do not map
neatly into clock time. How do actors conceptualise the
temporal dimension of an EVENT? e.g., do activities and
acts take place relative primarily to external temporal
constraints (schedules, deadlines, ...) or to each other?
How are activities sequenced? are activities linear?
interleaved? concurrent? Does an event have an intrinsic
tempo distinct from clock time?
- SPACE. Actors work in physical environments,
and the topography of the environment may to some degree
affect work practices; consequently actors' descriptions
of spatial arrangements (including spatial relations
between actors themselves) should be elicited. Actors are
asked to describe places and locations in detail; to
describe ways in which space is used by actors; the ways
in which space is organised by objects, acts, activities
and events; the ways space is related to goals; etc
- FEELING. How people feel about the work they
do and about the others they work with is likely to have
some influence on the way the work is done. Actors will
also have personal goals and objectives, and we are
interested in how these impinge on performance. Actors
are thus probed for the affective correlates of goals,
events, fellow actors, time, and so on.
The result of the elicitation should be a rich
description of one or more cultural scenes -- an
actor's 'deep' knowledge that underpins her behaviour in
the task-orientated organisational setting and that enables
her both to interpret the influx of information in so far
as it relates to her professional activities and to make
sense of, in the cultural context, the social
(organisational) behaviour of her fellows.